Normal view MARC view ISBD view

Hardhats, hippies, and hawks : the Vietnam antiwar movement as myth and memory / Penny Lewis.

By: Lewis, Penny (Penny W.).
Material type: TextTextPublisher: Ithaca ; London : ILR Press, 2013Description: xi, 255 pages ; 24 cm.Content type: text Media type: unmediated Carrier type: volumeISBN: 9780801451744 (cloth : alk. paper); 0801451744 (cloth : alk. paper); 9780801478567 (pbk. : alk. paper); 0801478561 (pbk. : alk. paper).Subject(s): Vietnam War, 1961-1975 -- Protest movements -- United States | Peace movements -- United States -- History -- 20th century | Social conflict -- United States -- History -- 20th century | Collective memory -- United States | Memory -- Social aspects -- United StatesDDC classification: 959.704/31 LOC classification: DS559.62.U6 | L49 2013Other classification: 15.85
Contents:
Collective memory of Vietnam antiwar sentiment and protest -- Middle-class cultures and the movement's early years -- Countercurrents in the movement : complicating the class base -- Countermemory I : a rich man's war and a poor man's fight -- Countermemory II : GIs and veterans join the movement -- Anticipation of the class divide -- Hardhats versus "Elite doves" : consolidation of the image.
Summary: "In the popular imagination, opposition to the Vietnam War was driven largely by college students and elite intellectuals, while supposedly reactionary blue-collar workers largely supported the war effort. In Hardhats, Hippies, and Hawks, Penny Lewis challenges this collective memory of class polarization. Through close readings of archival documents, popular culture, and media accounts at the time, she offers a more accurate "counter-memory" of a diverse, cross-class opposition to the war in Southeast Asia that included the labor movement, working-class students, soldiers and veterans, and Black Power, civil rights, and Chicano activists. Lewis investigates why the image of antiwar class division gained such traction at the time and has maintained such a hold on popular memory since. Identifying the primarily middle-class culture of the early antiwar movement, she traces how the class interests of its first organizers were reflected in its subsequent forms. The founding narratives of class-based political behavior, Lewis shows, were amplified in the late 1960s and early 1970s because the working class, in particular, lacked a voice in the public sphere a problem that only increased in the subsequent period, even as working-class opposition to the war grew. By exposing as false the popular image of conservative workers and liberal elites separated by an unbridgeable gulf, Lewis suggests that shared political attitudes and actions are, in fact, possible between these two groups."--Publisher's description.
Tags from this library: No tags from this library for this title. Log in to add tags.
Item type Current location Call number Status Date due Barcode
Book University of Texas At Tyler
Stacks - 3rd Floor
DS559.62.U6 L49 2013 (Browse shelf) Available 0000002071801

Includes bibliographical references (pages 231-245) and index.

Collective memory of Vietnam antiwar sentiment and protest -- Middle-class cultures and the movement's early years -- Countercurrents in the movement : complicating the class base -- Countermemory I : a rich man's war and a poor man's fight -- Countermemory II : GIs and veterans join the movement -- Anticipation of the class divide -- Hardhats versus "Elite doves" : consolidation of the image.

"In the popular imagination, opposition to the Vietnam War was driven largely by college students and elite intellectuals, while supposedly reactionary blue-collar workers largely supported the war effort. In Hardhats, Hippies, and Hawks, Penny Lewis challenges this collective memory of class polarization. Through close readings of archival documents, popular culture, and media accounts at the time, she offers a more accurate "counter-memory" of a diverse, cross-class opposition to the war in Southeast Asia that included the labor movement, working-class students, soldiers and veterans, and Black Power, civil rights, and Chicano activists. Lewis investigates why the image of antiwar class division gained such traction at the time and has maintained such a hold on popular memory since. Identifying the primarily middle-class culture of the early antiwar movement, she traces how the class interests of its first organizers were reflected in its subsequent forms. The founding narratives of class-based political behavior, Lewis shows, were amplified in the late 1960s and early 1970s because the working class, in particular, lacked a voice in the public sphere a problem that only increased in the subsequent period, even as working-class opposition to the war grew. By exposing as false the popular image of conservative workers and liberal elites separated by an unbridgeable gulf, Lewis suggests that shared political attitudes and actions are, in fact, possible between these two groups."--Publisher's description.

Reviews provided by Syndetics

CHOICE Review

In this new attempt to make sense of the political legacy of the US war in Vietnam, Lewis interrogates what she argues has been the "dominant narrative of sentiment about and protest against the Vietnam War." Despite the fact that support for the war was far more substantial among higher income groups, she notes that the narrative remembers the war as having split the country in two--between a largely upper-middle-class antiwar faction and a predominantly working-class opposition. Aiming to explain "why such a misperception exists," Lewis reviews the history of the antiwar movement in terms of its internal class dynamics and its relation to labor and the labor movement. Although she shows that meaningful connections across class and racial lines were established during the period, her analysis also suggests that the organized antiwar movement was able neither to establish enduring connections to the largely conservative leadership of the organized labor movement, nor to recruit successfully in white working-class communities. In the end, she suggests that collective memory has served political elites, facilitating other military ventures and maintaining the images of a populace fractured along class lines. Summing Up: Recommended. All levels/libraries. N. B. Rosenthal emeritus, SUNY Old Westbury

Author notes provided by Syndetics

<p>Penny Lewis is Assistant Professor of Labor Studies at the Joseph S. Murphy Institute for Worker Education and Labor Studies, City University of New York.</p>

There are no comments for this item.

Log in to your account to post a comment.